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Right Sector USA
Parts Two and Three coming soon
“Right Sector USA,” as in the little known, now defunct US branch of the notorious extremist Ukrainian organization Right Sector, appeared on Facebook in May 2014. By then, it already had an account on the Russian social media network VKontakte (VK), where it claimed to have started cells in Chicago and Tennessee, if only in the form of two individuals. In the coming weeks, Right Sector USA formally launched in the quasi-Ukrainian neighborhood of Manhattan’s East Village.
RS-USA’s first official meeting took place on the third floor of a building owned by the Organization for the Defense of the Four Freedoms for Ukraine (ODFFU), which has historically operated as a front for the OUN-B — the “revolutionary” faction of the fascistic Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists led by Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera until his assassination in 1959. Today the OUN-B is led by Stefan Romaniw, the longtime chairman of the Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organisations.
Right Sector is essentially the extremist Banderite cousin of the contemporary OUN-B, having been created by an OUN-B splinter group. During the Cold War, the Banderites set up numerous front groups under the umbrella of the “World Ukrainian Liberation Front,” spearheaded in the United States by the ODFFU. The ODFFU building on 2nd Avenue in Manhattan, located on the same block as the Ukrainian National Home and a famous Ukrainian restaurant, used to be called the Home of the Organizations of the Ukrainian Liberation Front. It is the historic US headquarters of the OUN-B, although its current status is more complicated.
Vladyslav Antonov of Knoxville, Tennessee, the only person wearing a suit and tie, chaired the inaugural RS-USA meeting. 15-20 people showed up to the forum. Antonov formerly studied military science at the National Academy of the State Border Guard Service in Ukraine. According to his LinkedIn page, Antonov lived in Ukraine through December 2013, and the following month in Tennessee, he (perhaps in fact later) began to serve as a cyber intelligence analyst for “Ukrainian military NGOs,” including “RS.” This is how he described the job:
Open-source intelligence (OSINT) and Social media intelligence (SOCMINT); Intelligence analysis. Data mining skills, familiarity with darknet, SQL injections, DdoS, keyloggers and malware. Background investigations, fraud, cyber criminal investigations, credit card fraud, identity theft, black market analysis, arms trafficking.
A tattooed neo-Nazi with a Right Sector armband stood in the back of the room. Petro Shkilnyk was from Ukraine, but lived in Canada, either in Toronto or nearby Mississauga. His knuckles said “ВОЛЯ” (Liberty) and “ACAB” (All Cops Are Bastards). In December 2012, he posted pictures on VK of himself with friends in Ukraine making Nazi salutes. A year earlier on Facebook, he paid tribute to Robert Jay Matthews, the leader of a white supremacist U.S. terrorist organization called The Order who died in a shootout with the FBI in 1984.
A month later, RS-USA held a meeting at the Ukrainian Catholic Church in Passaic, New Jersey, which is home to one of the largest Orthodox Jewish communities in the state. Passaic also has a significant Ukrainian community, as well as branches of the ODFFU and the (Banderite) Ukrainian American Youth Association. Once again, it appears about 15 people showed up to the RS-USA event, including a couple repeats. They ate a Right Sector cake.
Apparently Orest Zanevich traveled from Chicago to make it. On his left arm, Zanevich has a tattoo of a flaming kolovrat, basically a Slavic swastika. The following year, he shared on Facebook a picture of a Nazi swastika superimposed on a large moon rising over a beach at dusk. Days before, Zanevich posted a photoshopped image from The Matrix, in which Right Sector founder Dmytro Yarosh can be seen stopping a hail of bullets, freezing time by holding up his hand with his business card interlocked in his fingers. Days later, in Yucatan, Mexico, Zanevich posed with a Right Sector flag in the ancient Mayan city of Chichen Itza.
RS-USA participated in a demonstration for the first time in August 2014 — a “Unity March” in Manhattan attended by hundreds that ended outside the Russian consulate. Afterwards, Vladyslav Antonov declared, “shame on American media for not covering this event enough!” The RS-USA contingent consisted of roughly a dozen people, not all of whom made it to the forum held at the ODFFU building in June. Terrell Star, an information warrior / journalist largely focused on U.S.-Russia relations who fell in love with Ukraine years ago, shared a clip of the protest on social media.
“Right Sector [is in] the hizouse!” Starr said on Twitter, evidently unconcerned by their presence in New York City. He posed for a picture with someone from RS-USA while holding a protest sign with painted blood: “Stop Putin’s Terror — You May Be Next.” According to Starr, “The USSR was nearly as bad about killing Jews as Nazi Germany.” Another time, he tweeted, “My general thesis, after years of studying this issue, is that the Russians were unable to overcome their slavicness.” Today, Starr is a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, a hawkish think tank funded by NATO and Ukrainian oligarchs, among others.
A week after the protest in Manhattan, Petro Shkilnyk and “Right Sector Canada” tabled at a Ukrainian Independence Day fair in Toronto. Asked what they were doing by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, Shkilnyk, in a military uniform, explained that they were fundraising — “anything from water to… self-protection,” the neo-Nazi said after a pause. “Weapons?” the CBC reporter asked. “Uhh... of course,” he answered, “because the weapons they [Right Sector] get are for like trophies, from the enemy, you know? Because in stores you don’t buy weapons.”
That day the CBC asked Chris Alexander, the Canadian Minister of Citizenship and Immigration at the time, who was present, what he thought of Right Sector fundraising during the festivities to procure arms (for extremists). “You’re telling me something second-hand that is a rumor that I have no ability to comment on in a responsible way,” Alexander said, standing in front of a booth for the Buduchnist Credit Union, the largest Ukrainian financial institution in Canada, which is closely tied to the OUN-B network in Canada.
“But if you’re asking me if I’m proud,” the Conservative Minister said, “I’m definitely proud to be at this event, to recognize the strength of our Ukrainian-Canadian community.” In conversation with a Radio Canada reporter, Chris Alexander got more defensive, and tried to flip the script on them: “Are you also holding the same kind of interviews with Canadian or other companies who are doing business with the government of Russia? Is the money generated by their activity serving to feed the war machine of Vladimir Putin? Have you done such interviews?”
“Do you know the three classic principles that Bandera postulated in relation to all the national minorities living in Ukraine?” the spokesperson of Right Sector asked Vladislav Davidzon, a Russian American writer who has since become a fellow at the Atlantic Council.
He said: “If you help me, reach out your hand to help me create a free Ukraine, you are my brother.” He also added, “However, if you don’t help me, do not reach out your hand to help me, but neither do you hinder me, you can live here. There is enough room here and you can live here.” That was his classic phrase, “There is room here.” But, the conclusion: “If you hinder the process, stick spokes in the wheel, then you are an enemy and you need to be destroyed.” So, it is all very simple.
This was in November 2014, after the parliamentary elections in Ukraine. Right Sector, as always, did poorly at the polls, but its leader Dmytro Yarosh and spokesperson Borislav Bereza made it to the Verkhovna Rada, or Ukrainian Parliament. “That Bereza is a proudly outspoken and synagogue-going Jew is often pointed out by those who do not agree with the mounting equivalence of Right Sector with neo-fascism,” Davidzon noted after interviewing Bereza, who told him,
Look at this country where the governor of Dnipropitrovsk is a Jew, where numerous heads of administration are Jews, where the speaker of Right Sector is a Jew! How can one speak of anti-Semitism? How can one speak of fascism?
In late August, Bereza flew to San Francisco to help establish a Right Sector USA chapter in California. So did Vladyslav Antonov from Tennessee. The meeting (“Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Right Sector, But Were Afraid to Ask”) was co-sponsored by the group “MaydanSF,” founded in 2013 by Nick Bilogorskiy, who is today the director for Security Intelligence at Google.
That same day, according to the RS-USA Facebook page, the Chicago-based neo-Nazi Orest Zanevich’s duties as the “chairman-coordinator” of RS-USA were transferred to Antonov. (Thanks to Borislav Bereza?) In San Francisco, speaking to an audience of 20-25 in the concert hall of a Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Bereza allegedly “dispelled myths about the Right Sector.” Among other things, he said that the Right Sector supported the U.S.-backed government in Kyiv, but the odds of a “Maidan 3.0” grew daily.
A week later, RS-USA picketed the Permanent Mission of Russia to the United Nations alongside the ODFFU and other Ukrainian organizations in New York City, including Razom for Ukraine and the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA). Razom and UCCA had co-organized the “Unity March” in August. A bewildered looking Russian official started taking pictures of the crowd of roughly one hundred people, some waving the red and black flags of the OUN-B and Right Sector.
Another two weeks later at the annual Ukrainian festival in Clifton, New Jersey, the newly appointed deputy leader of RS-USA, Igor Rydzay, wearing one of his Right Sector shirts, took a picture with Mayor James Anzaldi and U.S. Representative Bill Pascrell, both longtime elected officials. Earlier that month, Rydzay did the viral “ice bucket challenge” somewhere in front of a red and black flag and a tank. Pascrell, a Democrat, is a founding member of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, representing New Jersey’s 9th congressional district, which includes Passaic County.
The Caucus formed in 1997 at the initiative of the UCCA, which the OUN-B’s “Ukrainian Liberation Front” controversially took over in 1980. The Banderites still play an outsized role in the Ukrainian Congress Committee, which is also headquartered in Manhattan. At 4:00pm on October 19, 2014, a week before the parliamentary elections in Ukraine, Right Sector USA met on the 2nd floor of the UCCA building. Earlier that day, RS-USA representatives spoke at a meeting organized by Razom, which is based in the Ukrainian National Home, practically adjacent to the ODFFU building and down the street from the UCCA headquarters.
Razom, its website explains, “was born out of the Revolution of Dignity” in January 2014. By February, it raised over $100,000 “for emergency support of Maidan protesters.” It used to be that many of the organizations based in the Ukrainian National Home, neighboring the ODFFU building, were affiliated with the OUN-M, the faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists once led by Bandera’s rival Andriy Melnyk. In recent years, Askold Lozynskyj, the most notorious member of the OUN-B in the United States, who played a central role in the UCCA “coup” drama of the 1980s, is said to have essentially seized control of both the Ukrainian National Home and the ODFFU building.
On the eve of the parliamentary elections, RS-USA made its most successful Facebook post yet (10 reasons why to vote for Right Sector), which garnered 800 “likes.” At that time, Petro Shkilnyk was in Ukraine on behalf of RS-Canada, and met with leading figures of the Right Sector, including fellow neo-Nazis. Meanwhile, trouble was brewing within RS-USA, leading its Facebook page to denounce Orest Zanevich in Chicago. Allegedly, he “resigned” on August 30, the day Boreza spoke in San Francisco, but continued to pose as the US leader of Right Sector and collect funds.
In mid-December, RS-USA tabled at a fair in Philadelphia and at the Ukrainian community center in nearby Jenkintown, Pennsylvania. They displayed an alternative Right Sector flag featuring an Odal rune, a symbol adopted by Nazis and in particular two Waffen-SS divisions. They claimed to be raising money for the Right Sector battalion in eastern Ukraine. Dressed in camo, Roman Dzivinskyi, a 21 year old nationalist from western Ukraine with just one hand and three whole fingers, manned the table with a few other volunteers.
Earlier that year in Ukraine, in the first week of the “revolutionary” month of February 2014, a man gave Dzivinskyi a box to bring to the main protest site on Kyiv’s Independence Square, telling him it contained medical supplies. Getting there and opening the box, Dzivinskyi must have been surprised to see cigars; after picking them up, a bomb exploded, “ripping off his left hand and shooting more than a thousand pieces of shrapnel into his chest, arms and face.” He told a Philadelphia radio station that when he came to, “all he could think about was wanting a smoke.”
It is unknown who was behind the attack, and it is unclear if Dzivinskyi joined the Right Sector before or after this traumatic event. Recently he appeared in a photo with someone making what looks like a Nazi salute standing in front of a Right Sector flag. The Ukrainian Federation of America, based in the Philadelphia suburb of Jenkintown, arranged for Dzivinskyi to receive medical treatment in the “City of Brotherly Love,” and found him a host family in the area. In 2016, Dzivinskyi told the U.S-funded Ukrainian Radio Svoboda that the first thing he wrote with his newly fitted prosthetic hand was “Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the Heroes!” — the OUN-B call and response popularized by the nationalist-led “Euromaidan” of 2013-14.
Toward the end of the summer in 2014, between co-organizing the two protests in Manhattan, Razom for Ukraine invited Dzivinskyi to attend a meeting in Washington of the Ukrainian Staff Association of the World Bank Group and the International Monetary Fund, held at the headquarters of the International Finance Corporation.
Incidentally, the building that houses the Ukrainian headquarters of the World Bank in Kyiv received a new tenant by 2015: a “museum-patriotic center” on the ground floor operated by the far-right Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN) political party. The OUN-B founded the KUN in 1993, but their relationship in the 21st century remains something of a mystery to me. In 2018 the KUN reunited with its 1990s paramilitary arm, Tryzub, the radical Banderite organization commanded for years by Dmytro Yarosh that launched Right Sector in late 2013.
Roman Dzivinskyi stood alone at the far right of the group photo taken at the meeting in Washington. Standing in the middle was Lada Kozak, who is married to a key figure in the OUN-B’s League of Ukrainian Canadians. In those days Kozak served as the executive director of the Canada Ukraine Chamber of Commerce and the director of operations for the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council. Since 2018, Kozak has been the managing director of the BCU Foundation in Toronto, an arm of the Banderite-led Buduchnist Credit Union Financial Group.
Earlier that summer, Dzivinskyi visited the Ukrainian American Sports Center in Horsham, Pennsylvania, just north of Jenkintown. Instead of tabling for Right Sector, he hung around the United Ukrainian American Relief Committee (UUARC)’s table. The UUARC, established in 1944, paid for Dzivinskyi’s medical treatment in the US and set up a Facebook page (“Give a Hand to a Hero”) to fundraise for his prosthetic. The UUARC is led by Larissa Lozynskyj-Kyj, the sister of OUN-B “point man” Askold Lozynskyj and a member at large of the UCCA’s nepotistic board of directors.
Today, Roman Dzivinskyi “likes” the Facebook page of “Right Veterans,” coordinated by neo-Nazi organizer Andriy Medvedko, whose “Veterans Academy” boasts the support of the UUARC. Right Veterans was formed in 2021 as an alliance of far-right organizations, including Right Sector, to participate in elections to the Public Council of the Ministry of Veterans Affairs of Ukraine. Right Veterans didn’t get every seat, but all their candidates won. Medvedko, accused of murdering Ukrainian journalist Oles Buzina, has organized prominent neo-Nazi events in Ukraine.
In October 2014, Vladyslav Antonov unveiled a new emblem for RS-USA: a bald eagle with the Right Sector insignia in its talons. Four days later, Roman Dzivinskyi shared the image on Facebook. A month later, Dzivinskyi was hanging out in the Georgetown Piano Bar in Washington, wearing camo pants and a light jacket with a Right Sector patch sewn onto his left arm.
Within 24 hours, a co-founder of Razom for Ukraine posted photos of Dzivinskyi visiting the Ukrainian embassy. In one photo, he stood underneath a portrait of George Washington. Five days later, Congressman Bill Pascrell shared a photo of them in his office with the caption: “Great meeting with a delegation from the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, including… Roman Dzivinskyi, an activist from the Maidan.” Before they snapped the photo, and Pascrell put his arm around the RS-USA volunteer, Dzivinskyi took off his jacket, revealing his Right Sector patch.
The Pennsylvanian UCCA delegation that met with Pascrell was led by Eugene Luciw (seen above in the bottom left corner), who seems more likely a member of the OUN-M than OUN-B. Luciw is the president of the Philadelphia branch of the UCCA and a former president of the Ukrainian American Sports Center in Horsham. Luciw is also a former board member of the OUN-M affiliated Organization for the Rebirth of Ukraine (ODWU) — the original OUN front group in the United States — and its Ukrainian Homestead, which are both based in Lehighton, Pennsylvania and use the same symbol as the OUN-M.
The “Melnykite” ODWU, protesting a Banderite takeover, left the UCCA in 1980, and only rejoined in 2018. The OUN-M and OUN-B began to negotiate reunification starting in 2013, and were still at it as of 2016, but it’s unclear if they came to an agreement. In December 2018, the heads of the OUN-M, the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, and Tryzub formed a tripartite “Leadership of Ukrainian Nationalists.” The Right Sector and the neo-fascist Svoboda party, tied to both OUN-M and OUN-B, welcomed this development.
After meeting Pascrell, Roman Dzivinskyi returned to the suburbs of Philadelphia for a “Thanksgiving to Our Heroes on the First Anniversary of Maidan,” organized by the Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA). Contrary to its name, the UFA, based in Jenkintown, and more specifically, its Ukrainian Education and Cultural Center, is not a national organization. Its board of directors however has some overlap with Razom for Ukraine, in particular Iryna Mazur, who in 2019 became the Honorary Consul of Ukraine in Philadelphia. Dzivinskyi was pictured with Mazur and others from Razom at the Thanksgiving event in Jenkintown’s Ukrainian center, which has a large emblem of the Ukrainian Waffen-SS division displayed inside.
The UFA has more or less a sister organization in Philadelphia, the Providence Association, which Eugene Luciw is a key leader of. During the Cold War, the OUN-B exerted control over Providence, although from what I can tell that appears to no longer be the case (assuming Luciw isn’t OUN-B). The UFA, the successor of the Ukrainian Workingmen’s Association headquartered in Scranton, the socialist arch-enemy of the Nationalists in the Nazi era, led the walkout of the controversial UCCA convention in 1980, but the Providence Association stayed put. Now they seem to work in tandem.
The Misanthropic Division is an internationally active neo-Nazi organization from Ukraine tied to the neo-Nazi Azov movement and apparently also Right Sector. In March 2015, a neo-Nazi blogger from the United States claimed to have made contact with the Misanthropic Division and conducted a short interview (presumably via email). In response to a question about how like-minded activists in the US can donate to their cause, the Misanthropic representative said, “Well until we get our own mechanisms in place we have many organizations who can put even the smallest donations to good use.” They recommended donating to four organizations, including the DUK (“Ukrainian Volunteer Corps,” the paramilitary wing of Right Sector), and RS-USA, providing Vladyslav Antonov’s contact information.
Roman Dzivinskyi returned to Ukraine in 2015. That spring in Ternopil, Dzivinskyi attended a far-right charity concert for the DUK, where he took a picture with a neo-Nazi wearing a Mussolini shirt (seen below in the top left corner). Two months later at another far-right concert, he took another picture with the same neo-Nazi, who was this time wearing a Svastone shirt. Svastone, slang for swastika, is a white supremacist clothing brand run by Arseniy Bilodub, a leading member of Right Sector and the head of the neo-Nazi band Sokyra Peruna. Meanwhile, Right Sector-Canada leader Petro Shkilnyk took a picture with Bilodub in Ukraine, and the UUARC’s “Give a Hand to a Hero” campaign continued to fundraise for Dzivinskyi.
That summer, Right Sector came into confrontation with the Ukrainian government after members of the DUK got into a shootout and standoff with police in Mukachevo, a border town in southwestern Ukraine, apparently over “a struggle for control of the lucrative cigarette smuggling business.”
Right Sector leader Dmytro Yarosh had accepted a position as an aide to the commanding officer of the Ukrainian Armed Forces earlier that year. He reportedly struggled to convince the holed up DUK fighters to lay down their weapons, perhaps foreshadowing his departure from Right Sector in the coming months.
In solidarity with the surrounded DUK fighters, Right Sector USA staged a small protest in Times Square and picketed the Ukrainian consulate in New York. Their Facebook post about this demonstration received a thousand likes and was shared two hundred times — certainly from nationalists in Ukraine. Some of the RS-USA signs addressing President Petro Poroshenko read:
“Pr. Poroshenko! Don’t Play RuSSian Games! HANDS OFF Ukrainian Volunteers!”
“Pr. Poroshenko, Fight CORRUPTION NOT VOLUNTEERS! Right Sector defends the country!”
“The Right Sector Are the Volunteers Who Don’t Compromise With Russian Terrorists and Criminals”
“Transparent Investigation for the Mukachevo event”
Right Sector Canada also rallied in front of the Ukrainian consulate in Toronto, setting off a small debate in a Facebook group for Ukrainians in the Greater Toronto Area. “Bunch of anti-maidan traitors IMO [‘In My Opinion’] playing right into Putin’s hands,” one person commented. Another renounced his previous support for the Right Sector and asked, “Does Pravyi Sector want to turn Ukraine into another Syria?”
Petro Shkilnyk responded to these and other criticisms, “STAND UP BESIDE US AND WE’LL HAVE OUR DAY, STAND UP AGAINST US — GET OUT OF OUR WAY!” A month later, Shkilnyk posted a picture of himself and Yarosh, captioned with another all-caps rhyme: “UKRAINE, OUR FATHERLAND, PLEASE SHOW US THE SIGN, YOUR CHILDREN HAVE WAITED TO SEE. MORNING WILL COME, AND THIS LAND WILL BE OURS, TOMORROW BELONGS TO ME!!!!!!!!”
That summer in Horsham, Pennsylvania, the Ukrainian American Sports Center denied Right Sector USA permission to set up a table at their annual festival. The RS-USA Facebook page subsequently uploaded some pictures from the event — the first: of Eugene Luciw on stage — and (using scare quotes) blasted the “Diasporans” of Pennsylvania, questioning their patriotism.
The email address presently listed on the RS-USA Facebook page belongs to Roman Dzivinskyi—or at least used to, when he apparently took classes at Manor College, a private school in Jenkintown, PA. Founded in 1947 by the Ukrainian “Sisters of the Order of St. Basil the Great,” Manor College is a member of the National Council of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America.
According to a public spreadsheet by Right Sector USA, the organization raised about ten to twelve thousand dollars in 2014, and just over $17,000 in 2015. Most of the money was earmarked for the DUK or its medical battalion, the Hospitaliers. When Dmytro Yarosh resigned from Right Sector and announced his plans to create a new movement under the working title, “Government Initiative of Yarosh” (DIYA), a fraction of Right Sector followed him, including the Hospitaliers as well as the 5th and 8th battalions of the DUK. Yarosh’s new paramilitary organization took the name of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army.
Between Yarosh’s departure in November 2015 and the launch of DIYA in February 2016, Right Sector USA pivoted from supporting the DUK to the psychological rehabilitation of children whose parents died fighting in eastern Ukraine. They did so in collaboration with Diana Vynogradova, a prominent neo-Nazi in the Right Sector leadership previously convicted of participating in a racist murder who is active in the youth wing of the far-right movement. (Petro Shkilnyk took more than half a dozen pictures with Vynogradova throughout 2014.) RS-USA called this initiative, “Generation of the Future.”
The program operated via the Social Development Institute (SDI), a non-profit organization based in Brooklyn run by Michael Kazarenko, who works for the New York City Fire Department and seems to have been a core member of Right Sector USA. Kazarenko has shared several antisemitic images on social media. On Facebook he liked, among other things, the page “Slavic-Aryan Vedas,” named for a racist neo-pagan text. According to the SDI website, its “American Winter” program has an organizing committee that includes the OUN-B’s Mykola Hyrckowian as a member, who at one point had a Right Sector cover photo on Facebook. As it were, in 2018, Kazarenko took pictures outside of the OUN-B headquarters building in Kyiv.
In early 2016, Kazarenko visited Ukraine and did a press conference with Diana Vynogradova. In the coming days, they snapped pictures together in front of a Right Sector USA flag, and Kazarenko took a group photo with Ukrainian children, holding up flags of the US, RS-USA, and the New York City branch of the Ukrainian Self Reliance Federal Credit Union, which sponsors the SDI (or at least used to). The US flag was signed by Stepan Bandera’s grand-niece in New Jersey.
By 2017, Right Sector USA’s activity appears to have fizzled out. Much of the content on its Facebook page began to consist of promoting an English language Ukrainian fascist blog, in addition to some nonsensical posts that I suspect were written by Kazarenko, such as “Take a Knee vs. How REAL MEN Take a Knee,” possibly forgetting to attach an image. In November, the page announced it was under new management — the Right Sector in Ukraine.
Right Sector USA, the creation of a fringe element in the post-Soviet “new Ukrainian diaspora,” wasn’t an OUN-B project, but it stood on the shoulders of a Banderite apparatus constructed in the Cold War by an ultranationalist faction of the post-WWII “old diaspora.” In the case of Dmytro Yarosh’s post-Right Sector career, which has aligned him more closely with the OUN-B, his newer far-right network’s outreach in the US has arguably put RS-USA to shame.
To Be Continued…